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ISSN 2278-2540 | DOI: 10.51583/IJLTEMAS | Volume XV, Issue VI, June 2026
Links in the Micropolitical Networks That Determine Teaching
Practice in Secondary Education Teachers
Florentino Silva Becerra
Research Professor, Department of Educational Studies, University Center for Social Sciences and
Humanities, University of Guadalajara
DOI:
https://doi.org/10.51583/IJLTEMAS.2026.150600065
Received: 15 June 2026; Accepted: 20 June 2026; Published: 06 July 2026
ABSTRACT
This research explains how secondary school teachers, through their actions, articulate connections that allow
them to lend representativeness to their ideological discourses within the established framework, thus giving
rise to the expression of group identity. A qualitative approach, using an ethnographic design, is employed to
explore, examine, and understand the intersubjective links within the school organization and to produce
profound interpretations and cultural meanings from the participants' perspectives. The information is
gathered using semi-structured techniques, such as participant observation and interviews, as an approach to
the interactions between teachers that constitute their daily performance, which then becomes an object of
study. The starting point is that group dynamics act as a filter for ideology, because they go beyond simply
being a group, incorporating the production expressed in its cohesion and fragmentation. The concluding
argument is that connection as an institutional bond configures a habitus that generates a structure of collective
behavior from which teaching practice emerges, established in the bonds of connection with the groups from
which education is instituted.
Keywords: social connection, hierarchies and complementarities, territorial distribution, performance of the
everyday, intersubjective bond
INTRODUCTION
From the perspective of action logics that are not strategies, because they do not involve a form of
consciousness or calculation, but are motivated by axiological concerns or instrumental rationality (Maroy,
2016).
Essentially, this work investigated the links or connections between action logics in the immediate contexts
of secondary school teachers. This occurred within a local space structured by organizational hierarchies and
complementarities linked to administrative regulations, and within a cultural context marked by the ethos of
the actors: teachers and administrators, immersed in processes shaped by internal micropolitics.
Thus, this social arrangement positions contexts as mediators in an organization comprised of the pedagogical
relationship, nuanced by the local culture where “alterations occur that give rise to mixed situations, which
resist general trends” (Maroy, 2016, p. 339).
This is why action logics, constituted as a way of doing and having, are a product of group interactions within
the school, mediated by transactions between external and internal demands (Corbalán et al., 2016).
A group action logic integrated into its functioning, which is part of its structure, is a way of operating
integrated into the organizational and pedagogical functions of each school within a micropolitical context. It
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is an action resulting from interactions among teachers, an individual and group behavior that stems from the
mediations established within the school context, which shape the schools and give them their character.
Action logics, then, designate a way of acting based on the dominant orientations that arise from the group
dynamic to generate practices and decisions from the perspective of diverse areas. These orientations are
geared toward understanding, attracting enrollments for promotion, external alliances, negotiation, and school
offerings. The organization and structure of classroom tasks, such as discipline, social order, and learning
objectives, constitute an object where pedagogical and educational orientations converge (Maroy, 2016).
This manuscript begins with the premise that every subject, dependent on another through the control and
subordination exerted upon them, is consequently subject to their own identity through self-awareness and,
therefore, situated within a space constituted by circulating power dynamics in the performance of school life;
a unique practice that is incomprehensible from the outside; a structure, a life inherent to the institution that
manifests itself in the actions of the individuals who coexist within the school environment.
Hence, to understand schools in this depth, it is necessary to recognize the network of micropolitical dynamics
that unfold within them: conflicts, negotiations, consensus, power dynamics, struggles of interest, and control,
among others; that is, the structuring of a form of organization.
The methodology guiding this study is a process that is systematized in its constitution; this allows for the
development of a theoretical vision that unfolds a qualitative perspective as a situated activity based on an
inductive logic and process. Through ethnographic observation, this approach focuses on the meaning of how
the actors in the educational community construct and reconstruct social reality through their actions.
In this way, understanding the perspectives and experiences of school actors is crucial to explaining the
educational phenomenon. This context is a critical, analytical-descriptive design that seeks to explain how the
logics of action and their articulation connect with the representativeness of the group and its organizational
ties.
Therefore, this work aims to explain how public secondary school teachers, through their logics of action,
articulate connections that allow them to grant representativeness to the group as an expression of ideology
within the established and the emerging, thus giving rise to the expression of group identity.
This framework is established in accordance with Hamersley and Atkinson (1995), who call them “anticipated
problems,” and thus, based on these predictions, the following questions are posed:
How do groups connect? What is the internal representation of the group? How are the bonds that strengthen
the institution articulated? What place does the subject group occupy within the institutional framework?
In the search for answers from the reality being studied, the hypothesis is that the connections established in
the internal representation of the group through power dependencies in the performance of everyday life,
which are in dynamic action according to their logics of action, give structure to an ideological filter of the
group, establishing an institutional network and positioning a group as the representation of the context.
METHODOLOGY
This study employs the following design: an initial and in-depth immersion in the environment, consisting of
approaching participants voluntarily. The duration of fieldwork was contingent upon the progress made
during the research process.
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Data collection and analysis, as well as the generation of explanations through theory, were based on open
coding as a step toward proposing new concepts with theoretical support; keywords were used to condense
and organize the data for subsequent phases of analysis.
Participant observation is approached as the dual dimension that involves daily participation in the social
world being studied and the writing exercise undertaken as a result of this participation.
The interview, conducted within the school context, facilitates interactions between the teachers being studied
in relation to their micropolitical logics of action, in order to gather their beliefs, interests, and values
symbols that constitute the school institution. The participating sample is homogeneous because the selected
units, teachers from public secondary schools, share the same profile and similar characteristics. Its purpose
is to highlight situations, processes, or episodes within a social group that shares its institutional habitus,
where shared events and occurrences arise among individuals pursuing common objectives. These events
incorporate themes related to school conflicts, shaping the correspondences between members to give
meaning to their organization, spearheading ideological interests. From these interests derive the practices of
the collective members, constituted within the school culture.
RESULTS
The object of study is framed within an organizational system. Through the description, analysis, and
interpretation of the elements and categories integrated into the socio-political structure of its micropolitical
patterns, the study examines the constitutive encounters and disagreements, the consensuses and dissents that
create subjectivities. These subjectivities are notable for their complexity and the multiplicity of phenomena
that require investigation. As a result of this investigative process, the following categorical themes emerged
from the approach to the reality of the micropolitical action logics among public high school teachers.
Linking of identities and active images of group connection
The understanding of the group is adopted from Bernoux's (1996) perspective on its “logics of action,”
because this understanding arises from the meanings that individuals attribute to their actions, and from this
understanding, their active images, related to their identities, are manifested.
These are the group connections that allow for bonding even within a conflicting rationality, because teachers,
as social actors and not merely agents of policies determined by external logics, possess margins of freedom
that regulate their behaviors of commitment, avoidance, or resistance to change. This allows us to understand
their thinking regarding the context in which they develop as a social group:
EDO: They sometimes connect due to interests or conveniences; each individual's ideology and academic
abilities also play a role; others, out of sympathy, resort to flattery to advance or please the administration
(E. 03/10/2025).
Therefore, the existence of an institutional group allows for the unfolding of a series of group interests,
generating a chain of interactions that constitute an ideological context from which other images are
configured:
EDO: In this case, there is the institutional group and, below it, the flagship groups that seek to adopt the
position of the institutional group, even though they are not defined (E. 03/10/2025).
Other figures appear that give meaning to the group dynamic, such as the groups called flagship” groups,
which are classified as those that perform an accommodating function within the institutional context:
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EDO: These groups use the flag to define themselves as part of the institution, but they do not define
themselves as part of the main group; however, they aspire to be part of it, and even seek to form more
subgroups that connect based on interests, even if they are few (E. 03/10/2025).
This connection between groups arises from shared interests, and the "flagship" group has an interest that
feeds the established groups and defines their trajectory:
EDO: These groups decide which reforms to implement and how to do so, which means that each subgroup
progresses at its own pace, even if this progress does not align with the overall institutional desired progress
(E. 03/10/2025).
The "flagship" groups are, therefore, active groups that generate connections between the core groups, such
as the institutional group and the subject group. These expressions denote a division among professors, from
which a culture has been formed that shapes their logic of action and gives life to the specter of the group
dynamic, which reproduces itself, continuing its own generation.
EDO: It is a kind of reproduction of the ghost that stopped time, and at this moment, this reproduction
generates more ruptures that follow consecutively (E.03/10/2025).
It is mentioned that the subgroups previously coincided in the guiding figure who ensured the direction and
coordination of all the groups, because this figure was responsible for reorganizing the leaders of each group;
a network of relationships in which the culture that is built for its members is woven, and the predominance
of some subcultures over others (Rodríguez, 2006).
These organizational intricacies become the subject of the existence of two contending groups and the
coexistence of several subgroups that must interact, connecting with the perception that these are under the
command of authority, because language, as Searle (1997) says, gives solidity to the institutional structure,
because it entails the imposition of a special type of function on “raw physical entities that bear no natural
relation to that function” (Searle, 1997, p. 232).
These relationships structure a map of expressions like “I don’t belong to any group,” which suggests that the
individual is integrated into the institutional group and, therefore, is part of the majority group:
EDO: From these ruptures, linear time freezes, and there is no progress in the sense of pedagogy where each
subgroup decides autonomously what is done and what is not (E.03/10/2025).
The context allows for the choice of side or identity of thought; This struggle produces a dialectical
relationship between structures and rituals rooted in the human and professional development of individuals
who do not conform without apparent discrepancies, but rather engage in internal conflicts by expressing their
own interests and seeking to impose their beliefs, attitudes, and expectations over others:
EDA: I am not part of any specific group, and I feel that with each change of direction there is a change in
guidelines and ways of working (E. 10/10/2025).
Group leadership allows for guiding them toward possibilities, but it also highlights the opportunism that
gives rise to those individuals he calls "weather vanes," who shift according to their own convenience.
Therefore, groups must undertake analytical work on themselves, which in turn generates political work
directed outward (Guttari, 2022).
In these contexts, ideological interests describe the representation of a group where connections between
groups are found: it is individual interest that drives them, and therefore, their logic manifests itself through
these interests:
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EDO: the logic of action is driven by interests, so interaction will depend on what can be gained from another
individual, keeping in mind that this will involve employing a different discourse and attitude to maintain the
desired benefit (E.07/11/2025).
Therefore, the presence of so-called "weather vanes" groups allows for the configuration of a connection
between groups, their main link being personal interest; their logic of action is based on the interest in
incorporating members who strengthen the membership.
Collective Episodes of Groups' Internal Representations
Groups, in their everyday performance, generate collective episodes, but… when and how do these episodes
manifest? They represent a grouping in time and social space, a mode that is more complementary than
opposed, where the logics of action represent the links within immediate contexts structured by hierarchies,
competition, and complementarities; links with culture in contexts considered mediating, which have effects
on school actions, such as pedagogical practice nuanced by the school context.
Because the logics of action in schools present their episodes in their collective representations, their
mediations and transactions between external demands and internal dynamics (Corvalán, J., Carrasco, A., &
García-Huidobro, J. E., 2016). Strengthening this position, Smelser & Suárez (1995), when referring to the
logics of collective action, cite Blumer (1982), showing that these are a concern communicated through a
circular action process, that is, a space for stimulating hope, where "the mediator aims to reinforce and
facilitate the learning of ego functions by releasing, stimulating, and guiding the person's motivation to
change" (Gómez, 2007).
EDO: Flag-waving groups are guided by a leader who, although lacking formal leadership, is representative
because they are chosen for the group's benefit (E.03/10/2025).
The leadership of one individual over another indicates internal representation and imprints ego functions. In
this way, thoughts are linked in favor of a group; that is, the connections of some interests and ideas over
others create subcultures where these prevail, absorbing the more fragile ones.
EDO: These leaders provide a degree of protection by acting as guides and caregivers, but since they are not
formally constituted leaders, they always act according to their own convenience, potentially abandoning
their subgroup's leadership to join the institutional group or the opposing group (E.03/10/2025).
The leadership that guides groups is not always authentic and does not always result in increased membership
for any of the groups. In this regard, Bates (1989) states that this is a space of struggle between competing
interests through which the meaning of school life is continuously negotiated.
Bates (1989) himself focuses on the object of these collective behaviors, which are part of the structuring of
a cultural heritage of group actions, thus becoming the result of internal politics, giving each school a
particular distinction, where social interaction builds and develops its members:
EDO: Groups respond to leaders who are sometimes not chosen by the group, but are appointed by a higher
power, sometimes not for their abilities but for convenience, although there are also natural leaders who
demonstrate better leadership due to their abilities and knowledge (E.03/10/2025).
In this way, it is about granting voice and protagonist to its participants as individuals with their own history
and thoughts, opening a path for the understanding that ideological conflicts arise within them, because
subgroups with specific interests, guided by power struggles, attempt to impose their criteria on those already
established.
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Therefore, the workplace is where the connection coincides, but not voluntarily; There is a rupture between
the groups where individuals operate from a place of nostalgia and an idealization of the past, thereby
distorting the present and freezing progress without demonstrating any definite advancement.
The connection between the subgroups, primarily the majority and minority groups, was previously
mentioned. The minority group, comprised of other subgroups, attempts to interact with the institutional group
while maintaining its individuality. This is because it identifies with the idea that the complex environment
gives meaning to each institution, and it limits itself to remaining uninvolved to avoid conflict.
EDA: The representatives of these groups emerge from internal elections, striving to achieve goals and
working toward the common good (E. 10/10/2025).
The internal selection process of the institutional group allows for the emergence of representatives who
establish a connection between the group and the members of the school community. These representatives
are referred to as "weather vanes," or unformed subgroups, but their fusion creates a fluidity that, through this
connection with the groups, allows the context to become problematic:
EDO: These "weather vanes," although not solid, still move within the system of groups, connecting with the
main ones, but their fluidity is problematic (E.03/11/2025).
Thus, the function of these "weather vanes" is their interest in controlling the groups, and for this reason, they
connect and filter themselves as informants. These "weather vanes" do not have group leadership; Its function
is to connect with groups with the intention of communicating and intervening in various leadership styles:
EDO: Personal interest causes it to move from one point to another, even if it has a group it primarily leans
towards. These elements are very visible alongside its function, and they are not elements with leadership or
participation in the group of its choosing (E.02/11/2025).
Group connection is manifested through trust; there is no hierarchy, no representative as such. The group is
consolidated through construction; it does not punish errors. This allows it to consolidate its members, thus
playing a role in a groupist conviction that aims at the transformation of the group itself, postulating the group
as a "missing link" (Bonano, 2012).
In this way, the missing link of the set of meanings is installed as a primary notion in the institutional
frameworks and subjectivities that play a role in the school situation. In this regard, Bonano (2012) says that
this implies destroying identity enclaves and enabling processes of opening to new subjectivities.
The Articulation of the Institutional Group's Meaning
Group articulation allows for a meaningful approach to the management of the institutional group, creating a
space for information to flow to the grassroots level and shaping the context. Groups avoid confrontation; in
this way, a semblance of school peace is created, although conflict is always latent:
EDO: These connections occur at specific points within the institution, allowing information to flow through
filtered information and then be distributed to other groups (E. 07/11/ 2025).
Defending the group's ideology is imperative, so much so that each group could be defined by this behavior.
They delegate responsibilities to their members, assigning specific functions, thus providing stability to the
institution:
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EDO: Sometimes, for self-interest, the director seeks support from certain elements that are essential to
achieving a goal. Even if there is a majority rejection, the influence of these elements is crucial to achieving
the objective, even if it is not to the liking of the other groups (E. 03/10/2025).
In an institutional group, members are constantly coming and going, while in a subject group, the members
are somewhat more consolidated. To maintain themselves as a group within their ideological framework,
expressed in their discourse, the school, students, parents, and, of course, all the teachers must be present.
EDA: Articulation is constant as they share a single workspace so that the school can maintain its function,
although the individuality of each group is not lost. Some groups avoid conflict for fear of reprisals, even
though it may cause them discomfort (E. 03/10/2025).
Within the institutional group, the leaders are among the most experienced, and from this position, they test
new members as a condition of entry. Group articulation acts as a bridge, related to organizational connection,
where the bonds that allow the institution to be managed are manifested. This aims to strengthen
accountability to the community and demonstrate that everything that happens is for its benefit, thus gaining
its approval within the context of internal struggles. These groups, through their connections and particular
interests, manifest representatives chosen for their knowledge and who are unafraid to respond. These roles
are usually filled by the most veteran members, who test new members to accept them into the group, whether
it is solid or volatile. Many members sometimes prefer to withdraw and remain neutral. In this way, the
connections that shape the groups and give meaning to the conflict are established.
Results
The results allow us to enter this reality where internal micropolitics and logics are present within institutions;
a space configured as a context divided into territories, sites where groups feel immersed and cultivate their
ideology. The meeting point allows us to identify them and legitimize them.
In this encounter with the reality being studied, the presence of a main category is noted; Group
protectionisms, based on the idea that the concept of the group, acting as an articulating axis, allows us to
navigate these smaller, everyday realities, whether organized and oriented towards social transformation or
not (Brown and Pehrson (2019, p. 11)).
Because collective protectionisms, based on Díaz Farrais's (2016) reference, "Collective protection prevails
over individual protection" (p. 14).
Because collective protection, which in many cases originates from leadership positions and commands
divisions and confrontations within schools, provides a sense of who is and who is not, and much of what
happens within groups can be understood as attempts that arise seeking to express, clarify, or defend their
social identity.
From where group interests emerge in particular social contexts to the extent that individuals react and strive
to give meaning to their collective worlds.
From these territorial locations; sites of empowerment, thus establishing a A tangle of segmentations on a
map of relationships that respond to forms or figures of fragmentation, which configure a performance of
ways of acting at both the micro and macro levels (Bourdieu, P., Chamboredon, J., & Passeron, J., 1975).
Because school spaces marked as territories represent group belonging, attention is always focused on them;
both are alert, establishing dualities that are attentive to what happens in one or the other territory where
jointly agreed-upon replicas are found, constructed as group connections.
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These sites allow group ideologies to be consolidated through the socialization of events, from which the
defense strategy is constructed, where hierarchies give meaning and uniformity to their thinking; these are
what maintain the group and connect it with others.
Because the institutional group also tends to structure and strengthen itself through the most intensive
criticism generated by the subject group. This type of power is not necessarily repressive, but rather infiltrates
daily practices and relationships. Interpersonal (Foucault, 2001).
Another element that enables group connections is the presence of secret informants who bring new
information that enriches the operational group, often giving it an advantage over the subject group. This
experience allows individuals to assume the role of idea generators for the group's development and attracts
new members.
In these institutional frameworks, the group is operated from a conservative position of power, taking
advantage of available spaces to create interactions that attract the attention of its members and connect them
with others, always with a theme that highlights its values as an ideological positiona manipulation through
“cognitive politics” (Anderson, 1991).
Teaching practice is situated within this ideological position, immersed in “power relations” (Foucault, 1988).
This notion, incorporated into power, which brings into play the relationships between groups in the school,
is not power itself, but rather the subject within power relations (Foucault, 1988).
That is to say, logics of action in a space that connects power, where it “acts upon its actions: an action upon
action, upon eventual or actual actions, present or future” (Foucault, 1988, p. 14).
In this way, pedagogical practice is developed within a complex and dynamic network of powers of different
orders that intermingle or overlap to constitute and condition a specific type of pedagogical practice in a space
where “Teaching must always be analyzed as a cultural and historical process in which select groups are
positioned through asymmetrical power relations” (Giroux and McLaren (1997, p. 50).
A context of negotiation and rupture between groups with groupistic convictions that leads to the stimulation
of hope in the school.
In these relationships, articulated connections are configured at a key moment, appearing unexpectedly in a
disposition and reconfiguration of their members, where their own logics of action” are established
(Bacharach and Mundell, 1993).
This is why they combine identities; that is, they aim to increase the number of members, to generate
confrontation, because the group is both a product and a permeable space through which "ideology filters,
expressing the representations of each individual."
Therefore, if there is one thing the institutional group must preserve, it is its connection to school authority.
This is because, in this way, the institution's control will manifest itself in the power of the dominant group,
thus ensuring its preservation. For this preservation to occur, a succession of leaders must be generated,
expressed by those who are most informed, those who have defended their position of belonging to the group.
From this perspective, organizational behavior is established as a large social organism, comprised of people
who relate to one another under a series of conditions defined by organizational processes.
In this case, the social aspect could be configured according to its function, utility, benefit, intentionality, or
experienced naturally, habitually, or implicitly; as established and stable behavioral “structures,” undiscussed
and not consciously assumed, in Bourdieu's terms (1975), what has been called habitus.
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These behaviors, in the presence of a common problem, become spaces for group articulation, as groups seek
to find the proposal that will make them stand out from others and, in this way, guide the functions of the
groups within the school context.
So, if groups connect based on a shared problem, then… when do they disconnect? Do they do so to become
an opposition group and form subgroups?
The institutional group establishes its foundation by integrating all those who share its thinking. In this way,
institutional regulation is established because “institutional facts, for their existence, require human
institutions” (Searle, 1997, p. 21). For a group to be institutional, it must have the power to organize the
school, and this power resides in the union, because it is from this union that the school organization is
regulated.
DISCUSSION
A configuration of images is discussed within this group dynamic, images that adhere through connections to
establish a network of relationships. Such is the case of flattery, as Blase (1994) points out, where school
administrators attract the complicity of teachers, thus transforming them into coordinators of the logic of
action. This is a performance of the everyday in the exercise of the representative function that “reflects,
resists, and renews power relations” (Rai, 2015, p. 1181).
It constitutes a circular action within the institution, where conveniences coexist in spaces and places, as well
as “words, scripts, and discourses, to exercise representation” (Rai, 2015, p. 1181).
Group connections are a product of the interactions that take shape within the context and give rise to logics
of action. Therefore, pedagogical practice is a result of these interactions, from which an institutional
regulation is established that emerges from collective protectionism.
These connections, according to Lee and Robbins (1995), define the social as the internal sense of belonging
that an individual can have in their relationships with others. It integrates experiences that have been gradually
internalized in that interpersonal proximity, where their sense of belonging is satisfied, fostering individual
self-esteem.
In this regard, Kohut (1984), in the same vein, states that individuals possess a strong sense of connection and
are able to enter social situations and identify with them. Therefore, it is debated whether these connections
allow for the standardization of practice in schools.
In this way, individuals who develop within the school context use their collective world as a protective shield.
This protection gives meaning to their teaching practice, which is subject to a cultivated ideology that allows
for the framework of strategies that structure meaning in their school life.
In this context, connections structure their action logics, filtered through everyday practices constituted by
their interpersonal relationships.
Therefore, daily life in schools allows actors to become informants, connecting with others and thus satisfying
their self-esteem. The existence of secret informants who appear with new information that enriches the
operational group often gives it an advantage over the subject group; this experience assumes a role as a
generator of ideas for cultivation, where new members, dispositions, and reconfiguration are added, based on
their own "action logics" (Bacharach and Mundell, 1993).
In these institutional frameworks, the group is operated from the conservative position of power, taking
advantage of spaces to transform them into interactions that attract the attention of its members and thus
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connect them with others, always with a theme that highlights its values as an ideological positiona
manipulation through "cognitive politics" (Anderson, 1991).
In this way, collective connections are structured by the ideological thinking of groups within the school,
permeating teaching practice, which is immersed in “power relations” (Foucault, 1988).
That is to say, logics of action in a space for connection where these “act upon their actions: an action upon
action, upon eventual or actual actions, present or future” (Foucault, 1988, p. 14). Thus, pedagogical practice
is developed within a complex and dynamic network of powers of different orders that intertwine or overlap
to constitute and condition a specific type of pedagogical practice in a space where “teaching must always be
analyzed as a cultural and historical process in which select groups are positioned through asymmetrical
power relations” (Giroux and McLaren, 1997, p. 50). This is why identities converge, and the group moves
towards increasing its membership, generating confrontation, because the group is both a product and a
permeable space through which “ideology filters, expressing the representations of each individual, based on
the determinations of the social context in which they are embedded” (Ávila, 2001, p. 31). This is an
operational space from which the intersubjective bond is established, within group relations fostered by the
context (Ávila, 2001). Therefore, if anything must be preserved, it is the institutional group's link to school
authority, which is crucial because, through this link, control of the institution manifests as the power of the
dominant group, thus ensuring its preservation. This preservation requires a succession of leaders, who
emerge from among the most informed, those who have defended their position of belonging to the group.
Therefore, if there is one thing the institutional group must maintain, it is its link to school authority, because
this is how its control of the institution becomes dominant, and thus, how it preserves it.
CONCLUSIONS
The logics of action permeate school contexts, giving representativeness to the ideological expression
established in the school through the connections established within the group dynamic. These connections
cultivate group protectionism as an instituting condition in a performance where the binding networks connect
their relationships, structuring a unique school culture.
Connection as an institutional bond configures a habitus that generates a structure of collective behavior from
which the teaching practice emerges, established in the bonds of connection with the groups from which
education is instituted.
The ideological bond allows education to be conducted according to instituting positions that condition events
to a connection within an ideological framework that is constituted micropolitically from the local level, from
where collective protectionism is integrated.
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